Note

Why They Migrate
Bharat Dogra

In several parts of India the extent of poverty and deprivation is so high that the majority of population is unable to survive on the basis of the income they can earn in and around their village. A high level of migrant labour is thus built into the normal life of these regions and is not necessarily confined to drought situations or other adverse weather situations.

Another factor contributing to the need for high level of migration is the need for one-time lump-sum payment to meet the needs of marriage expenses, other social/ritual expenses, house construction, paying back debt etc. This lump sum can be received from employers or their agents at the time of migration as an advance payment. A lump sum payment may also be received at the end of the contract period.

Broadly speaking these are the factors which have contributed to the very high levels of migrant labour in Kotra block of Udaipur district of Rajasthan. According to estimates made by Adivasi Vikas Manch (AVM), an organisation working with a lot of dedication in this area and Ajivika Bureau, migration of one or more members of the family is a regular practice for over 50 percent of the tribal families living in this block (mainly Bhil and Garasia tribal communities). In some panchayats this figure can go up to 75 percent. Tribals constitute about 90% of the total population of this block.

Within a single block one can see several patterns and types of migrant labour, including concentration of a particular pattern in a few panchayats and villages close to each other.

In villages which are closest to the intensively cultivated agricultural belt of North Gujarat (mainly Sabarkantha and Banaskantha districts) there is a high prevalence of 'Bhaag' (share) system of migrant labour. These migrant workers are called Bhagyas. A bhagya together with some family members takes up the responsibility for all agricultural work on a plot of land, and as remuneration for the entire labour component of this agriculture work the bhagya gets one-seventh to one-fifth of the crop share. Bhagyas frequently get a lump-sum advance as well as day-to-day subsistence allowances from time to time, all of which is deducted at the time of the final settlements of accounts (at the end of the crop season).

Another pattern of migrant workers relates to stone-carving work. This migration takes place to neighbouring Sirohi district of Rajasthan. Here lives Sonpura community which specialises in temple construction work in which stone-carving skills are needed. As the work of this community expanded rapidly in recent decades, they felt the need for training others in this skill. It was in this context that the training of tribals in Kotra block was started. These tribals generally receive Rs 100 to start with and this can go later up to Rs 150 to Rs 175 depending on skills and experience. However the opportunities for tribal migrants generally do not go beyond this. This work also involves health hazards particularly for those exposed to inhalation of stone dust (with the accompanying possibility of silicosis). However the more profitable end of the work is not accessible to them.

In addition some tribals also migrate for construction work, mining or quarrying work and work in brick-kilns. A common characteristic of all these patterns of work is that the tribal migrant workers of this area show a preference for migration to neighbouring areas while by and large not opting for migration to more distant areas. The second common characteristic is that in all these patterns, tribals experience exploitation, low returns and health hazards to a lesser or greater extent. The worst aspect of exploitation and health hazards has been seen in the context of trafficking of child workers for working in Bt cotton fields. Despite these problems the tribals here still continue to work as migrant workers because they are forced to do so due to lack of adequate local opportunities.

Frontier
Vol. 45, No. 32, February 17-23, 2013

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